{"id":37755,"date":"2026-11-13T08:47:18","date_gmt":"2026-11-13T07:47:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/educationalevidence.com\/?p=37755"},"modified":"2026-11-13T08:47:48","modified_gmt":"2026-11-13T07:47:48","slug":"caligulas-horse-education-and-democracy-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/educationalevidence.com\/en\/caligulas-horse-education-and-democracy-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Caligula\u2019s Horse (Education and Democracy II)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Image created using AI.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

License Creative Commons <\/a><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Xavier Mass\u00f3<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

That every citizen can have access to a high-quality education is characteristic of a democracy; it does not follow that this amounts to democratising education, any more than the validity of the second law of thermodynamics can now be decided by universal suffrage, or that its teaching should or could be \u201cdemocratic\u201d<\/em>.<\/p>\n

To say, therefore, that education must be democratised is rather like saying that the King of France is bald<\/em>: France has no king, and it is neither democratic nor undemocratic for the validity of a scientific proposition to be determined not by affinities, emotions, interests, preferences or votes, but by its epistemological foundations. And, while we are on the subject, compulsory schooling<\/strong> itself does not seem to be particularly democratic either. Strictly speaking, what would be genuinely democratic is for schooling to be like the right to vote, which one may exercise or not, as one freely chooses. That would undoubtedly be the ultimate in democratic scrupulousness. Even so, we must acknowledge that this is a far-fetched idea if ever there was one, and that no one in their right mind would deny that compulsory schooling is an incomparable social advance and an undeniably necessary condition for the education of the future citizens of a democracy.<\/p>\n

In this sense, if what is intended in the name of democratising education<\/em> is to do away with the principle of academic authority<\/strong>, then the relationship between the two terms of the teacher\u2013learner dyad<\/strong> will be altered. This dyad is the very core around which the school is built, and altering it will inevitably alter the school\u2019s aims and function as well. At that point, the school ceases to be a school, quite simply, even if we continue to call it one. It is like the time Caligula appointed his horse to the Senate<\/strong>: the grotesque parody this emperor used to enact the Senate\u2019s destruction. It continued to be called the Senate, certainly, but it no longer functioned as one, and everyone understood this, including the senators who, in order to save their own skins, applauded the stallion\u2019s appointment with gusto.<\/p>\n

The truth is that certain pedagogical trends are so obsessed with linking the democratisation of education to altering the constituent elements of the teacher\u2013learner dyad that the whole thing becomes rather suspicious. This is particularly so when we consider that many other dyads, such as doctor\/patient, orchestra conductor\/musician or football coach\/player, to name but a few, are hardly democratic either, yet seem to cause no one the slightest concern. This fixation inevitably leads us to suspect that it is merely the outward manifestation of a much more far-reaching project, whose sole aim can be none other than to put an end to the transmission of knowledge in schools. In other words, to put an end to the school itself<\/strong>. But is that democratic? Let us see.<\/p>\n

Without claiming to be exhaustive, democracy may be understood<\/strong>, in its broadest sense<\/strong>, as a form of political organisation in which those who govern are elected by the citizenry through a legally regulated voting procedure. The representative character of those in government derives, in turn, from their having been elected. Since the Enlightenment, this has been conceptually inseparable from the notion of the rule of law, namely, the separation of the three branches of government\u2014the executive, the legislature and the judiciary\u2014and their subjection to the existing legal framework, to the supremacy of the law. Democracy, then, is not an ideology or a political programme, at least not when understood in this way, but rather the rules of the game within which debate, political action and the selection of those who govern take place.<\/p>\n

As far as the election of those who govern is concerned, democracy operates from the bottom up, but the process works in the opposite direction when it comes to the exercise of government: from the top down. The democratic legitimacy of an under-secretary or a public official\u2014a judge, a member of the armed forces, a teacher, a municipal police officer, and so on\u2014does not derive from having been elected to the post they occupy, but from having been appointed by the governing body of the relevant public administration, in accordance with the established legal procedure and within its remit. We are not talking, then, about direct democracy or assembly-based democracy, but about parliamentary democracy within a state governed by the rule of law.<\/p>\n

If, by contrast, we understand democracy in an intensive sense<\/strong>, then democracy is no longer (or not merely) a matter of the rules of the game that define the space within which political action takes place, but an ideology proposing a different model of social organisation. According to this model, the sovereign decision-making body (the legislative assembly, parliament, popular assembly, or whatever we choose to call it) is replicated on a smaller scale in every conceivable sphere of decision-making and management. In other words, a \u201cmicro-democracy\u201d<\/strong>, with all institutions operating according to a decision-making structure based on deliberation, voting and the election of representatives\u2014with or without an imperative mandate\u2014by all the members of the groups concerned, whatever the institution in question may be: a school, a hospital, a factory, a newspaper, a court…<\/p>\n

Let us now relate all this to what we discussed in the previous article<\/a>. It seems clear that the notion of \u201ceducational democracy\u201d goes far beyond that of democratic education or education for democracy. This is because, in the former case, the requirement is that the education system of a democracy should itself be structured, in all its aspects, according to principles of internal organisation based on elected representation or assembly-based decision-making. It is towards this tendency or inclination that such hackneyed assertions, so common among pedagogocrats<\/strong> and dilettantes<\/strong> of every conceivable stripe, are directed: the familiar refrain that education must be democratised<\/em> or, to put it more forcefully, that teaching is an act of repression<\/em> and that, for this very reason, it must urgently be democratised.<\/p>\n

However, all these discussions overlook a fundamental consideration: the pre-political character of education<\/strong>, which Hannah Arendt<\/strong> was at such pains to emphasise. What happens then is simply that the political sphere encroaches upon the pre-political sphere, which is not political and should not become so. Teaching the rules of the game is replaced by immersion in the game itself, pure and simple. But the problem is that there would have been no need to invent the school for that. And indeed, what remains is no longer a school, even if we continue to call it one.<\/p>\n

For the school is then placed under a condition imposed upon it in advance, a priori<\/em>: a requirement it cannot fulfil without renouncing the achievement of its purposes and its very function. All of this rests on the rather overconfident hope that children will, by themselves and through their own means, develop their own educational processes, whose development adults need only seek to facilitate and channel (imperceptibly). This necessarily presupposes one of two things: either a firm belief in a degree of maturity in children that many adults would dearly wish to possess themselves\u2014especially those who put forward such nonsense\u2014or a commitment to introducing the adult world in its entirety into the world of children and adolescents, treating learners as the adults they are not (yet).<\/p>\n

Two approaches that are only apparently opposed, but which ultimately amount to the same thing. In the first case, a blessed flower<\/em><\/strong>–power<\/em><\/strong> naivety<\/strong>, rooted in Rousseau<\/strong>, which seems to rest on a firm belief in the innate goodness of human nature and in the idea that a community of children, removed from adult supervision, will develop its own dynamics which, by their very nature, will tend towards an adult society that is even markedly better. In the second, a fallacy: by \u201cflattening\u201d the teacher\u2013learner dyad, the principle of authority inherent in that relationship is removed, and the principle underlying the model that replaces it is implicitly imposed in its place. The dyad is thus altered and rendered incapable of fulfilling its original function or, to use Hannah Arendt\u2019s own terms, transmitting tradition. This is when Caligula\u2019s horse makes its triumphant entrance into the school<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

We have yet to see where these two variants of the \u201ceducational democracy\u201d model will lead. This will be the subject of the next article.<\/p>\n

___<\/p>\n

Education and democracy: \u201cEducational democracy\u201d or \u201cdemocratic education\u201d?<\/p>\n

\n

Source:\u00a0educational EVIDENCE<\/strong><\/p>\n

Rights:\u00a0Creative Commons<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

That every citizen can have access to a high-quality education is characteristic of a democracy; it does not follow that this amounts to democratising education, any more than the validity of the second law of thermodynamics can now be decided by universal suffrage, or that its teaching should or could be \u201cdemocratic\u201d.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":37740,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_FSMCFIC_featured_image_caption":"","_FSMCFIC_featured_image_nocaption":"","_FSMCFIC_featured_image_hide":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[213],"tags":[4984,4951,4950,570,830],"class_list":["post-37755","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cover","tag-caligula","tag-democratic-education","tag-educational-democracy","tag-hannah-arendt-en","tag-school"],"yoast_head":"\nCaligula\u2019s Horse (Education and Democracy II) - Educational Evidence<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"That every citizen can have access to a high-quality education is characteristic of a democracy; 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