{"id":34167,"date":"2026-05-04T09:00:47","date_gmt":"2026-05-04T07:00:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/educationalevidence.com\/?p=34167"},"modified":"2026-05-04T09:01:07","modified_gmt":"2026-05-04T07:01:07","slug":"educational-governance-or-the-empire-of-economism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/educationalevidence.com\/en\/educational-governance-or-the-empire-of-economism\/","title":{"rendered":"Educational governance or the empire of economism"},"content":{"rendered":"

Steve Buissinne<\/a> –\u00a0Pixabay<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

License Creative Commons <\/a><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Andreu Navarra<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In his latest book, the polymath Jos\u00e9 Luis Villaca\u00f1as<\/strong> (philosopher, historian, author of several intellectual biographies, also a columnist for the newspaper Levante<\/em> and a historian of Western thought) offers an original vision of history that contrasts two ways of understanding political power: on the one hand, the notion of Government, and on the other, that of Empire<\/strong>. By \u201cGovernment\u201d we would understand collective self-organisation, while by \u201cEmpire\u201d we would mean a vertical drive to impose obedience in contexts that systematically repress civil liberties.<\/p>\n

It is well known that nations or states that have the misfortune of embarking on the construction of an empire also begin to suffer serious internal problems. The diminished and sclerotic Britain of recent decades is the result of an empire that exports its own energies; the bleak history of early modern Castile is the result of an irrational empire that fostered internal misery and mystical and hallucinatory thinking. The United States has long been bleeding from levels of inequality that are frankly outrageous. Empires undermine internal coexistence, drain the public coffers and unleash colonial mass killings.<\/p>\n

If we analyse European educational policies<\/strong> over the last thirty years, we soon realise that they reflect the imperial vector far more than the logic of governance. Legislators have long ceased to know or understand what they are signing; policies across the entire parliamentary spectrum have become virtually identical; if anyone dares to question the validity of any of the fundamental aspects of this set of decrees, they are immediately censured or expelled. The direct effects are evident: staff rooms without democracy, authoritarian leadership, induced illiteracy, acceptance of the cognitive divide between rich and poor pupils kept under institutional supervision, the growing control over children\u2019s leisure time, the systematic elimination of scientific and humanistic content\u2026 And no one seems able to explain where these dogmas that are destroying our public education system come from, why we must obey them, or why they cannot be replaced by a rational form of governance.<\/p>\n

Studies have shown that the competence-based framework originates in the McCarthy-era United States<\/strong>; disruptive innovation (typical of a society surrendered to posthumanist accelerationism) systematically replaces pedagogical reason with economistic reason. The school is increasingly made to serve data mining and the creation of captive clientele, in a context where teachers are considered superfluous and would already have been replaced\u2014were they not civil servants\u2014by automatic and profoundly antihuman retro-technologies. For many years now, teachers have perceived that there is a real attempt to make them create the software that will ultimately replace them. For far too long, the Catalan administration has succumbed to the fables of de-civil-servantisation and the radical deregulation of learning. In fact, in thousands of Catalan schools the work of mathematics teachers has been sidelined in order to leave it in the hands of a private app that also functions as a monopolistic publisher<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

The result is clear: crises in social coexistence, tribal extremism, the agony of Catalan, social turbulence and the unstoppable rise of far-right hatred. Our false identity-based left has done the dirty work for all kinds of parasites and opportunists. The consequences are not only pedagogical. Not only is knowledge collapsing; we are also losing every kind of social bond. And the price we are paying is far too high: extreme individualism, a mental health crisis, the impossibility of reviving a democracy that requires strong public services and a sense of human community, problems of digitally inflamed hatred\u2026<\/p>\n

Do we want to live in a militarised dictatorship based on techno-surveillance<\/strong>, or do we want to inhabit a democracy grounded in mutual trust? Should our supreme value be Security (or a certain racist idea of Security), or rather a shared culture built collectively? Is school about universalism and dialogue, or is it a concentration camp for people not yet deemed productive? Do we want to create schools\u2014or detention centres?<\/p>\n

Should we not hope for a political class capable of abandoning the accelerationist utopias of techno-oligarchic minorities and listening again to the demands for self-governance (that is to say: sovereignty) of its own society? Must our politicians replicate the aberrations that are handed down from above (we are never quite sure from which \u201cabove\u201d), or can we imagine a reasonable and sustainable organisation of our institutions? Can we consider the need to abandon top-down impositions\u2014pure technological imperialism\u2014in order to create a horizontal and dynamic administration?<\/p>\n

The current crisis, blind and deaf, is leading us towards a final crisis of civic coexistence<\/strong>. One only needs to look at the United States to understand what will very soon happen to us if we do not begin to put our public affairs back in order. And putting them back in order means reversing the course towards mafioso capitalism and returning instead to participatory democracy\u2014a form of democracy that, incidentally, begins in staff rooms and in primary and secondary classrooms, now decimated by policies more typical of a third-rate satrapy.<\/p>\n

\n

Source:\u00a0educational EVIDENCE<\/strong><\/p>\n

Rights:\u00a0Creative Commons<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In his latest book, the polymath Jos\u00e9 Luis Villaca\u00f1as (philosopher, historian, author of several intellectual biographies, also a columnist for the newspaper Levante and a historian of Western thought) offers an original vision of history that contrasts two ways of understanding political power: on the one hand, the notion of Government, and on the other, that of 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